Deverbal -er nominals (driver, lifesaver, blender) may have eventive properties as they may or may not entail the occurrence of an actual event.For Rappaport Hovav and Levin (1992), eventivity is linked to animacy.More recent studies have concluded that eventivity is always present but comes in different aspectual flavors (e.g. episodic/dispositional, as in Alexiadou and Schäfer, 2010).
